On the very day Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government released an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively short report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically modest claim that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of disaster and disaster."
Even though the document mostly formalizes the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a grave warning for the world, and for the European continent in particular.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its rhetoric seems taken directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and starker possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section dedicated to Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing strife, suppression of free expression and suppression of dissent, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-belief." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to remain reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and proud celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
These points carry strong overtones of two concepts seen as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nationalist fantasy contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
In other words, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering resistance to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains vague on methods, it is obvious that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
This is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act accordingly.
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